Ashton’s €15-million-a-year special security budget is tiny compared to what member states shell out. According to foreign office figures provided to EUobserver, the UK between mid-2006 and mid-2010 spent €196 million on private security in Iraq alone.
Excellent news for the guys across the pond. In this article they list a bunch of the PSC’s that the EU uses in it’s foreign missions. It also lists the countries that they are using private security in.
The list of companies and the countries goes as follows:
Page Group: Afghanistan
Argus: Haiti, Lebanon, Libya, Yemen and Saudi Arabia.
Control Risks: Israel.
Saladin: Pakistan.
*The EU foreign corps last year put Argus and Page, as well as French company Geos, Canadian firm GardaWorld and British company G4S on a special shortlist. The listing means that if a new job comes up, the EEAS can hire one of them in a decision which takes just two weeks, instead of a year-or-so, as with a normal EU tender.(from article below)
Very cool and I didn’t know that Argus was such a player in this game? Here is a clip from their bio page:
Over time the company has specialized in protection, risk assessment and crisis management for international corporations and their foreign branches, but also for international organizations and diplomatic entities located in volatile countries.
Shortly before the end of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the company established its business in Budapest, Hungary for strategic and geographic reasons. However, 97% of its activities are currently conducted outside of the European Union.
Argus Security Projects Ltd. currently has 600 staff members permanently deployed worldwide.
What I also like about this list of companies, to include the short list, is that you get an idea as to what the EU thinks is an acceptable company to work with. Both in cost, reputation, experience and capability. Although I will save my judgement on these companies, just because they could have been chosen because they are the cheapest?… It also shows what countries the EU has interest in and that they are compelled to hire private security to accomplish that mission.
The Saudi Arabia mission is obvious for it’s oil. Places like Libya have oil too, and Europe needs that oil bad. So getting into that country and securing their folks while they do their thing is a priority–all so they can influence and get a place at the ‘trough’ there. Before the revolution in Libya, Europe had a high amount of oil imports from Libya, and I imagine that they would like to get that back. Not only that, but get that source back to the level of ‘secure and dependable’. That is not easy and it takes some work in the diplomacy department to get that done. Interesting stuff. –Matt
Ashton to spend €15mn on private security firms
March 9, 2012
By Andrew Rettman
Catherine Ashton’s External Action Service (EEAS) is to spend €15 million on private security firms this year as part of broader efforts to protect diplomats overseas.
The money is to cover “fully integrated security services” at its outposts in Beirut, Benghazi, Islamabad, Jerusalem, Kabul, Port-au-Prince, Ryiadh, Saleh and Tripoli.
It will spend another €35 million on hiring day-to-day security staff for the rest of its 136 foreign delegations. Some other places are also considered risky (diplomats are asked not to take families to Baghdad and Monrovia), but do not qualify for the “fully integrated” treatment.
The Afghanistan mission is currently protected by armed, company-logo-wearing ex-military types, including former Nepalese Gurkhas, supplied by London-based firm Page Group. When the EU ambassador leaves his compound, he travels in a convoy of three cars with seven bodyguards. Last year, someone took a pot-shot at his office window while he was briefing staff. In 2010, he was nearly hit by a rocket at a tribal congress.
Budapest-based security firm Argus takes care of embassies in Haiti, Lebanon, Libya, Yemen and Saudi Arabia. London-based company Control Risks looks after Israel and another British firm, Saladin, does Pakistan.
The EU foreign corps last year put Argus and Page, as well as French company Geos, Canadian firm GardaWorld and British company G4S on a special shortlist. The listing means that if a new job comes up, the EEAS can hire one of them in a decision which takes just two weeks, instead of a year-or-so, as with a normal EU tender.
The set-up means Saladin and Control Risks could be on their way out as old contracts end. But Control Risks in January opened a mini-office in Brussels “to develop relationships with clients in Belgium and Luxembourg, including EU institutions.”
Private security companies got a bad name in 2007 when US firm Blackwater machine-gunned 17 Iraqi civilians and got off with an out-of-court pay-off to victims’ families.
An EEAS contact told EUobserver that national laws – whether Libyan or Yemeni – govern the contractors’ right to use violence. He noted that a company’s “track record” is a factor in getting EU work and that “to [his] knowledge” no EU private security guard has ever fired his weapon in the line of duty.
Not all the EU-linked companies have squeaky clean histories, however.
Afghan police in January arrested two GardaWorld men driving around with almost 30 AK-47s with filed-off serial numbers in their car. British police last year detained three G4S people after an Angolan man died in their custody in Heathrow airport. Meanwhile, the same men who created Saladin are widely reported to have smuggled guns to anti-Soviet rebels in Afghanistan in the 1970s and to anti-Communist rebels in Nicaragua in the 1980s.
Ashton’s €15-million-a-year special security budget is tiny compared to what member states shell out. According to foreign office figures provided to EUobserver, the UK between mid-2006 and mid-2010 spent €196 million on private security in Iraq alone.
The EEAS last year also poached three experts from EU countries to beef up security.
Frans Potuyt, a former Dutch ambassador to Kazakhstan and head of security at the Dutch foreign ministry, now runs the EEAS’ security department. Mike Croll, a former security director at the British foreign office, looks after overseas missions, while Attila Lajos, a former Hungarian intelligence officer, looks after its headquarters in Brussels.
The EEAS contact said it also has counter-intelligence people “with the appropriate background” on its payroll. “If we felt the need to sweep a diplomat’s residence for bugs, we have ways to do this internally or with the help of member states’ services,” he added.
The head of security at its Kiev and Moscow embassies, for instance – an Italian national who jets between the two locations with a satellite phone – is said to have good contacts among Ukrainian ex-intelligence officers who now work as private eyes or dabble in organised crime.
Stick ’em up
As for G4S, the company already supplies more than 1,500 security guards for the EEAS, European Commission, EU Council and European Parliament buildings in the EU capital.
The firm’s parliament contract is up for renewal at a time when its reputation is under a question mark. A bank, a canteen and a post office inside parliament were each robbed in the past three years with no one caught.
A parliament official said G4S is not to blame because the building has several escape routes and because insiders helped robbers to smuggle in guns or replicas and to evade CCTV. The contact noted that little has been done to improve things – such as splitting up inside space into separate secure zones – since the last incident.
“The real issue is if you have an armed attack and the guy is free to run around inside and maybe three or four floors away you have a hearing with [French leader] Sarkozy and the two of them meet – that would be a huge incident,” he said.
Story here.